clb yazdı:Ben bu dönemden daha katı bir Amerikancılık görmedim.. İdarecilere güvenle alakalı. Sanırım Tayyipten daha fazla güvenebileceğim kimse göremiyorum.
Devlet esastır. Kim uygulasa bu başarıllı dış politikayı yine aynını yazardım..
Kaldi ki asker anayasasından daha kabullenebilir oldugu gerçek bir paket oylanacak.
Muhakkak ki ; EVET..
Sayın clb,
Çelişkiler içindesiniz. Hem ''bu dönemden daha katı bir Amerikancılık görmedim'' diyorsunuz, hem de bu katı Amerikancılık döneminin başbakanı Tayyip Erdoğan'a olan güveninizi belirtiyorsunuz.
''Devlet esastır'' diyorsunuz, 8 yıllık iktidarı döneminde Kıbrıs'ta ve Irak'ın kuzeyinde devletin savaş nedeni saydığı kırmızı çizgileri ortadan kaldıran bu Hükümetin politikalarını ''başarılı ''buluyorsunuz.
Ne diyeyim, Amerikan emperyalizminin her dediğine ''Evet'' diyen bu Amerikancı iktidarın dış politikasını ''başarılı'' bulduğunuza göre bu Anayasa paketine ''Muhakka ki Evet'' demeniz de son derece doğaldır...
Yalnız şunu sakın unutmayın, bu Anayasa değişiklik paketine ''Muhakkak ki Evet'' demekle; halkın yüzde 94'ünün karşı olduğunu bile bile, Irak halkının tepesine nükleer bomba yağdıran haçlı Amerikan uçaklarına hava sahamızı kullandırdığını bizzat kendisi itiraf eden; Irak'ı kan gölüne çeviren Amerikan askerlerine 'kahraman' deyip, onların evlerine sağ salim dönmesi için dua eden BOP eşbaşkanı Tayyip Erdoğan'ın tüm Amerikancı politikalarını da onaylamış ve bu suçlara ortak olmuş olacaksınız...
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6 Ocak 2010-ULUSAL KANALhttp://ulusalkanal.com.tr/index.php?opt ... 1&Itemid=0ERDOĞAN AMERİKA'YI "BU KADAR" SEVİYOR Şimdi dikkatinize,
Tayyip Erdoğan'ın 2003 yılında yazdığı iki makeleyi sunuyoruz.
Washington Post ve
Wall Street Journal'da yayımlanan bu makalelerde Erdoğan, Amerika'nın Irak işgaline öyle övgüler diziyor ki, görülmeye değer...
Bütün dünyaya kan ve gözyaşı döktüren Amerika, Irak işgaliyle de her zamanki vahşetini sergiledi.
Peki, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin Başbakanı sıfatını taşıyan Tayyip Erdoğan, bu işgali nasıl değerlendiriyor? Bu sorunun yanıtını, Tayyip Erdoğan'ın 2003 yılında Washington Post ve Wall Street Journal'da yayımlanan makalelerinde buluyoruz.
İlk makale 31 Mart 2003 tarihli. Wall Street Journal'da yayımlanan bu makalenin başlığı "Türkiye sadık bir müttefik ve bir dost". Amerika'nın Irak'ı işgaline denk gelen günlerde Erdoğan şu cümleleri kullanıyor:
"Amerika'yla olan yakın işbirliğimizi sürdürmeye kararlıyız. Dahası, bu cesur kadın ve erkeklerin en az kayıpla evlerine dönmelerini ve Irak'taki acının en kısa zamanda sona ermesini umuyor ve bunun için dua ediyoruz."
Amerika, 24 Müslüman ülkenin sınırlarını değiştirmek üzere bölgede plan yaparken Erdoğan, bu planlara destek oluyor. Üstelik bunu Türk halkına rağmen yaptığını da itiraf ediyor. Erdoğan'ın, 21 Nisan 2003'de Washington Post'ta yayımlanan ve "Paylaşılmış bir stratejik vizyon" başlığını taşıyan makalesinde şu satırlar yer alıyor:
"Uzun müzakerelerden sonra ve Türk halkının yüzde 94'ünün Irak'a açılacak yeni bir savaşa karşı olmasına rağmen, hükümetim, müttefik kuvvetlerin Irak'a girerken Türk hava sahasını kullanması için onay çıkarabildi."
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Tayyip Erdoğan'nın, Washington Post'ta, 21 Nisan 2003 tarihinde yayımlanan makalesinin orjinal metni:
A SHARED STRATEGIC VISION'
BY RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN
April 21, 2003
ANKARA, Turkey -- The role that Turkey could -- or should -- play in Operation Iraqi Freedom has been the subject of much debate in both Turkey and the United States. Unfortunately, in the course of the debate, some pessimists have even called into question the relevance of the strategic partnership between our countries.
Just as the fate of Saddam Hussein is critical to U.S. national security, the fate of northern Iraq is critical to Turkish national security. Turkey and the United States share concerns about the impact of the Iraqi conflict on the activities of terrorist organizations, about the humanitarian crisis caused by Hussein's policies and about the long-term political and economic stability of the region.
As a global leader, the United States must address these issues. As a regional leader, Turkey must address them also as it contends with the conflict just across its border. While this fact, and Turkey's legitimate need to respond accordingly, should be obvious, some have attributed a hidden agenda to Turkey's involvement in the conflict.
For decades Turkey and the United States have cooperated closely on many issues. This has been possible not only because we have similar goals and priorities but also because we have been able to transcend differences when faced by common threats and risks. This resilience in our partnership has allowed our alliance to endure, and it will enable us to prove the critics wrong.
But why should Turkey have concerns about the military operation in Iraq in the first place? Why the hesitancy in abandoning diplomatic efforts for military action, a hesitancy displayed by Turkey's democratic parliament?
Because we have lived through similar experiences before. Although we supported the Persian Gulf War, it was a devastating event for Turkey and its people. It precipitated an economic crisis in our country from which we have only recently begun to recover. A half-million refugees poured across our borders in need of humanitarian relief. Acts of terrorism perpetrated by separatist elements that entered Turkey after the war claimed tens of thousands of innocent lives.
Despite these severe hardships, Turkish support for both U.S. and U.N. efforts to confront and disarm the Iraqi regime after the 1991 war were considerable and comprehensive. To its own detriment, Turkey meticulously honored the U.N. economic sanctions against Iraq. Turkey allowed Incirlik Air Base to be used for refugee assistance in Operation Provide Comfort, and later for airborne enforcement of one of Iraq's two no-fly zones in Operation Northern Watch. These activities protected the Kurdish factions in northern Iraq from the wrath of Baghdad and enabled the ethnic groups in that region to experiment with democracy and to achieve a degree of freedom and prosperity.
Our experience over the past decade with regard to Iraq is but a microcosm of the collaborative efforts Turkey and the United States have undertaken throughout our long partnership. Our cooperation is evident in many vital domains, in particular in the war on terrorism, and also in common efforts to bring stability and security to the Balkans, to Afghanistan and Central Asia, and to the Caucasus and the Middle East.
Turkey has for years been an understanding friend of America. Indeed, Turkey was one of the first countries to stand up in support of the United States after the tragic attacks of 9/11. Turks had no qualms about sending their sons and daughters to Afghanistan to fight a common enemy in defense of freedom and to lead the international peacekeeping effort there over the past eight months. The Turkish people have never shied away from joining forces with the United States in the face of a threat, whether in Korea, Somalia, Bosnia or even East Timor.
The United States in return has been a steady strategic partner for Turkey. Successive U.S. administrations have supported Turkey through economic and security challenges and in Turkey's own fight against terrorism.
Underlying the enduring partnership between our countries has been our embrace of democratic principles, for which our troops have fought and died together in the past. As the leader of the governing party and now prime minister, my role has been to try to reconcile this respect for democracy and the understandable sensitivities of Turkish public opinion with our desire to support the United States and safeguard our national security interests.
After much deliberation and with 94 percent of the Turkish public opposed to a new war against Iraq, my government was able to secure approval for the use of Turkish airspace by allied forces entering Iraq.
As for Turkey's own role in the Iraqi conflict, the concerns we share with the United States about terrorism, refugees and long-term regional stability have shaped our approach. First, we are securing our border against a new incursion of terrorist elements. Second, we are preparing to respond to a possible refugee crisis in a way that permits effective delivery of humanitarian aid inside Iraq with minimal impact on other populations. And third, we are encouraging, as we have for many years, the preservation of Iraq's territorial integrity and the establishment of a framework whereby all Iraqis can share in the natural wealth of that country.
In all of these efforts, my government is committed to cooperating with the United States and other coalition members. In confronting common challenges, we share the same strategic vision -- not just on Iraq, but on many issues.
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Tayyip Erdoğan'nın, Wall Street Journal'da, 31 Mart 2003 yayınlanan makalesinin orjinal metni:
By Recep Tayyip Erdogan
The Wall Street Journal
March 31st, 2003
ANKARA-Turkey enjoys historical, cultural and traditional ties with the Middle East, and promotes cordial relations with all countries and peoples of the region. A source of instability and concern in the region is the situation of our neighbor, Iraq. After more than a decade since the liberation of Kuwait, the Iraqi problem remains unresolved.
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For the last six months in particular, Turkey has been compelled to pay close attention to the Iraqi crisis. The 58th Turkish Government, established after the elections last November, dedicated most of its work to the Iraq issue. The 59th government, of which I have just been appointed prime minister, has also engaged itself with Iraq, literally on a day-and-night basis. My Justice and Development Party government as exerted every effort so that the Iraqi problem would not lead to war, and so that new sufferings could be prevented.
The U.N. inspectors, while acknowledging in their reports that Iraq’s cooperation was gradually increasing, also stressed that Iraq was elusive in providing conclusive information on the chemical and biological elements it is known to possess. As a result, it has been concluded that Iraq’s cooperation, as far as substance was concerned, fell short of the requirements as set forth in U.N. Security Council Resolution 1441.
In our suggestions to Iraq at the highest level, we emphasized time and again the need for openness with regard to the chemical and biological material they may possess. We also stressed that small and occasional steps forward would not prevent war. Our worries have, unfortunately, proven justified.
In regard to Iraq, the Turkish government has, on three occasions, sought authority to act from our National Assembly. On Feb. 6, the motion regarding site preparation was approved. As the U.S.-led military operation loomed, a second motion on March 1-to authorize sending Turkish troops abroad as well as the deployment of foreign troops in Turkey-failed to receive the constitutionally required majority. This result and its reasons were widely and publicly discussed in a democratic environment. It seems that the shared concern among Turkish parliamentarians was the need to take account of Turkish public opinion, as well as the losses we were bound to incur in a war.
The developments that ensued clearly demonstrated that a war was imminent. In this respect, Turkey’s choice was not one of war or peace; instead, the country had to choose ways in which to minimize the effects of such a war in our immediate vicinity-while supporting our strategic ally, the United States.
The relations between Turkey and the U.S. are based on a long-standing friendship. From the outset of the Iraqi crisis we have been in close consultation with Washington, which is not only our ally but also our strategic partner. Indeed, the U.S. made numerous requests to us seeking support in the operation. Turkey did not ignore them, but appraised them very seriously, in a manner compatible with the fabric of close relations between our two countries.
Contrary to some reports in the U.S. media, and to an extent in the Turkish press, our discussions at no point entailed a bargaining for dollars. To the contrary, we have maintained the understanding that in bad days the two allies need to act shoulder-to-shoulder. Turkey has indeed been alongside the United States in nearly every major military conflict, from Korea to the Gulf War, from Bosnia to Somalia, Kosovo and Afghanistan.
Based on an urgent U.S. request on March 19, we reapplied to the National Assembly to get authorization for the opening of Turkish air space to the coalition forces led by the U.S. The Assembly approved this request on March 20, the day the war began in Iraq. Turkish air space was made available to the coalition forces on the very next day.
The Assembly has further authorized my government to deploy the Turkish Armed Forces in northern Iraq. In this regard we are witnessing certain doubts, an unease in some circles in northern Iraq, as well as in the U.S. and some European countries. This is unnecessary. Turkey has no intention to fight in a war in northern Iraq, let alone fire a single bullet. We have no desires on our neighbor’s natural resources either. Yet we vividly remember the influx of 500,000 refugees escaping from the atrocities of Saddam Hussein in the last Gulf War. We do not wish to go through the same experience again.
The aim of a limited deployment on the Iraqi side along our border is to control such an influx of refugees while providing them with humanitarian aid in an effective manner. Furthermore we need to take precautionary measures for possible intrusions by PKK/Kadek terrorists, who are concentrated in the region. In sum, Turkey’s military presence in northern Iraq is envisaged with full cooperation and coordination with the U.S., as well as with the Kurdish groups in the region.
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Turkish policy regarding Iraq rests on openness and sincerity, and Turkey’s policy is clear. The territorial integrity and national unity of Iraq must be preserved. Iraq’s political system should be determined by the democratic participation and consent of the Iraqi population. Furthermore, the natural resources of Iraq are the wealth and property of the Iraqi nation as a whole. These resources should in no way be apportioned among population groups.
The Arab, Kurdish, Turkmen and other peoples that constitute Iraq are linked to Turkey by kinship. We wish them freedom, democracy, human rights and a prosperous future. Turkey will strive for peace and durable stability in the region alongside the U.S., her strategic partner and ally for more than half a century. We are determined to maintain our close cooperation with the U.S. We further hope and pray that the brave young men and women return home with the lowest possible casualties, and the suffering in Iraq ends as soon as possible.
Mr. Erdogan is the prime minister of Turkey.